Landmine Monitor 2021

Support for Mine Action

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Intl Contributions: Impact of COVID-19 | Donors | Funding paths | Recipients | By thematic sectors

Ntl Contributions || OAP and Support for Mine Action || Five-Year Support

 

Article 6 of the Mine Ban Treaty on international cooperation and assistance recognizes the right of each State Party to seek and receive assistance from other States Parties in order to fulfill its treaty obligations.

Thirty-three donors and 14 affected states reported contributing a total of US$643.5 million in international and national support for mine action in 2020. This is approximately the same as in 2019, when global support totaled $650.7 million.[1]

The level of international support for mine action provided by donors plateaued at $565.2 million in 2020, compared to $561.3 million in 2019.

Overall, funding from international donors was in line with trends observed in previous years, with the major donors and recipients remaining mostly the same. The majority of the funding came from just a few donors, with the top five donors—the United States (US), the European Union (EU), Germany, Japan, and Norway—contributing a total of $426.1 million, or 75% of all international funding for 2020.On the beneficiary side,Iraq received more funding than any other country for the sixth consecutive year. The top five recipient states—Iraq, Lao PDR, Afghanistan, Colombia, and Croatia—received a combined total of $252.8 million, representing 45% of all international contributions.

As has been the case since the Monitor began reporting international support by sector in 2007, the majority of the funding provided by donors in 2020 went to clearance and risk education activities (68% of all funding), with more than $387 million provided. International support for victim assistance declined by $9.8 million, a 23% decrease from the 2019 level. The $33.3 million total for 2020 (6% of all funding) included only direct contributions to victim assistance activities, while some donors supported such activities via funding for other programs or disability activities. However, it is still indicative of the general trend of support for this sector. The remaining 26% of overall funding ($144.8 million) was either not disaggregated by the donors, unearmarked, or used for capacity-building and advocacy purposes.

The Monitor identified 14 affected states that provided $78.3 million in contributions to their own national mine action programs, representing 12% of global funding. This marks a decrease of $11.1 million from 2019, when 10 affected countries reported contributing $89.4 million.

In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic and measures to curb its spread greatly affected the mine action community by disrupting planning, coordination, and implementation activities. The pandemic has increased impetus for greater flexibility and responsiveness from donors, as well as for simplification of funding arrangements in order to best adapt to the new circumstances and ensure that operations can continue.

This chapter focuses on the financial response provided in 2020 by affected countries and international donors to support mine action efforts. While focused on financial contributions, it remains clear that cooperation and assistance is not only limited to financial assistance. Other forms of assistance can include the provision of equipment, expertise, and personnel, as well as the exchange of experience and know-how, best-practice sharing, and South-to-South or other forms of bilateral and multilateral cooperation.[2]

International Contributions in 2020

In 2020, 33 donors contributed a total of $565.2 million in international support for mine action across 40 affected states, four other areas, and to global activities—$3.9 million more than the $561.3 million reported in 2019.[3]

After having increased by more than $100 million each year in 2016 and 2017, international support declined in 2018 (8%) and 2019 (13%). In 2020, international support for mine action from states, the EU, and other institutions essentially flatlined. On the one hand, the United Kingdom (UK) started reducing its contributions by half (55%) and Australia reduced its support by more than a third (40%). On the other hand, the US increased its support by $27.4 million (15%), while Germany and the EU each increased their contributions by more than $10 million. Overall, 15 of the 33 donors increased their funding in 2020.

In 2020, the 15 largest donors continued to provide almost all international mine action funding, with a combined total of $545.7 million (97% of all support).[4]

International support for mine action: 2011–2020

Intl Support 2011-2020 

Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on international support

The pandemic has reinforced the need for better and more flexible grants and project implementation arrangements. Globally, there were very few reported instances of major diversion of mine action funding to address COVID-19 related issues. The following section provides details on the impact of the pandemic on mine action support for some of the major donors.

In May 2021, Australia said that it had to reduce its mine action funding because of the impact of the pandemic, though it was reported that funding levels for the second half of 2021 and the first half of 2022 were “nearing pre-COVID levels.”[5] Australia has also adapted activities and agreements to take into account the impacts of the pandemic.[6]

Denmark reassigned a United Nations Mine Action Service (UNMAS) contribution for activities in Iraq to cover part of the suspension costs for two mine clearance implementing partners, allowing them to have a stand-by capacity to resume clearance activities as soon as the conditions permitted. The total cost was approximately $200,000. In addition, planned disbursement for Tetra Tech and UNMAS projects in Iraq were delayed to the fourth quarter of 2020.[7]

In February and May 2021, Finland confirmed that its mine action budget for 2021–2025 has been secured to the €15 million level ($18.2 million)[8] previously announced and has not been impacted by the pandemic.[9] Finland also offered to its partner organizations to reallocate some mine action contributions to address COVID-19 related issues when needed.[10]

In May 2021, Germany reported to the Monitor that funding for mine action remained stable in 2020 and 2021 despite the pandemic. Only one project was said to be postponed due to “major impediments,” but with no impact on the overall disbursement of funds.[11]

Ireland reported having reallocated some funding from Colombia, where COVID-19 related restrictions prevented activities, to projects in Afghanistan and Somalia. Program targets were amended accordingly.[12] No major disruptions were reported to Ireland-supported programmes in Southeast Asia.[13] Irish funding to clearance activities run by the HALO Trust in five countries was disbursed incrementally based on quartlerly progress reports, rather than as a “one-off” payment.[14] This was aimed at addressing uncertainties in the delivery of planned activities amid limitations related to the pandemic.

Some projects supported by Japan combined mine action efforts with COVID-19 response activities in Afghanistan, Nigeria, Palestine, South Sudan, Sudan, and Syria.[15] As of May 2021, the disbursement of Japan’s mine action support had not been affected by the pandemic, but the implementation of some projects had been delayed.[16]

In May 2021, the Netherlands reported that its level of funding for 2020 had not been impacted by the pandemic, while its new humanitarian mine action policy for 2020–2024 was said to be “COVID-19 sensitive.”[17]

Sweden reported that some of its mine action resources had also addressed the pandemic response efforts, such as the delivery of COVID-19 awareness and prevention messages during risk education activities. In cases where implementing partners had not been able to use all funds received in 2020, unspent funds would remain available for mine action work in 2021.[18]

In 2020, as a response to disruptions to mine action operations on the ground, Switzerland reported that its partners were allowed to deploy resources to national COVID-19 response efforts or could extend the duration of projects.[19]

In April 2020, as a result of the deteriorating situation amid the outbreak of COVID-19, it was decided that EU funds initially allocated to mine action in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) for 2018–2019 would be diverted to address COVID-19 and migration issues. As of September 2021, this was the only instance of a major diversion of EU mine action funding. The duration of several projects was also extended to address delays caused by the pandemic.[20]

In line with the “proportionality principle,” the UK provided some broad guidelines to its implementing partners, such as ensuring staff safety, adjusting decisions to the local measures to address the pandemic, and maintaining planned activites wherever possible and appropriate. Salaries of demining staff would be guaranteed for up to three months, including under forced lockdown.[21] However, in November 2020, the UK government announced that it would cut its foreign aid budget from 0.7% to 0.5% of its national income due to the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.[22] The UK parliament endorsed this reduction in July 2021.[23] As a result, the allocation to mine action would be cut by half, with the mine action budget amounting to £17 million ($24 million) in 2021–2022.[24] In October 2021, media reports estimated that UK funding for mine clearance in 2022–2024 could be reduced by at least 75%—from approximately £100 million ($137 million) over three years to £25 million ($34 million) over the same period.[25] Six countries could no longer receive support as a resulf of the cuts: Iraq, Lebanon, Myanmar, South Sudan, Vietnam, and Zimbabwe. These cuts were to be reviewed by the newly appointed UK Foreign Secretary Liz Truss.[26]

No funding from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) was diverted to address COVID-19, with the exception that a few programs were working with the Department of Health to support the development of accessible communications, while remaining within the scope of the initial activity of the contributions.[27] The US also reported that in some instances mine action funds were used to assist COVID-19 related activities, such as the simultaneous provision of explosive ordnance risk education (EORE) and pandemic prevention messaging, or the delivery of medical supplies to hospitals through unused demining vehicles.[28] In May 2020, a US representative said that “where host governments are requesting the use of HMA [humanitarian mine action]-funded assets, and it can be done in a reasonable and minimally disruptive manner, we will consider it.”[29]

Donors

In 2020, 26 States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty, two states not party, the EU, and four other institutions contributed a total of $565.2 million to mine action.

As in past years, a small group of donors continued to provide the majority of international mine action support. The five largest donors—the US, the EU, Germany, Japan, and Norway—accounted for three-quarters (75%) of all international support with a combined total of $426.1 million.

The US remained the largest mine action donor with $204.8 million and it alone provided more than a third (36%) of all international mine action support. The EU ranked second with $89.8 million, or 16% of all contributions, followed by Germany with a total contribution of $54.3 million, representing 10% of all support. The next two donors—Japan and Norway—provided more than $35 million each.

Despite variations in the level of support provided, the proportion of total assistance from the top five donors has remained constant in recent years. From 2016–2020, the combined annual contributions from the five major donors accounted for 70–78% of all international support.

Support from States Parties in 2020 accounted for nearly half of all donor funding (47%), with 26 countries providing $268 million. This represents an 11% decrease from the $301.4 million contributed in 2019.

Contributions by donors: 2016–2020[30]

Donor

Contribution (US$ million)

2020

2019

2018

2017

2016

Total

US

204.8

177.4

201.7

320.6

152.4

1,056.9

EU

89.8

76.0

108.1

67.6

76.9

418.4

Germany

54.3

38.6

42.5

84.4

37.3

257.1

Japan

39.8

36.9

37.2

32.5

40.7

187.1

Norway

37.4

43.0

47.7

39.2

31.7

199.0

UK

32.3

71.7

58.1

26.7

24.9

213.7

Switzerland

15.4

14.8

15.0

19.5

16.6

81.3

Denmark

13.8

17.6

23.4

15.5

10.2

80.5

Netherlands

12.7

14.9

19.4

19.2

26.3

92.5

Sweden

9.1

8.8

18.6

5.2

6.5

48.2

France

8.5

5.3

12.7

11.9

3.2

41.6

Canada

8.4

8.7

11.3

10.9

13.3

52.6

New Zealand

8.1

9.1

9.2

5.4

12.5

44.3

Australia

6.5

10.8

7.8

4.0

11.1

40.2

Italy

4.8

5.1

4.3

3.9

2.8

20.9

Belgium

4.5

4.3

3.3

0.9

2.9

15.9

Ireland

3.8

3.7

3.9

1.8

3.3

16.5

Finland

3.3

3.4

3.2

3.3

0

13.2

Austria

2.3

2.0

1.8

1.2

1.1

8.4

Luxembourg

1.3

1.3

1.4

1.4

1.3

6.7

Slovenia

0.7

1.0

0.6

0.6

0.6

3.5

South Korea

0.5

1.7

2.0

0.3

2.5

7.0

Other donors*

3.1

5.2

9.4

20.3

5.9

43.9

Total

565.2

561.3

642.6

696.3

484.0

2,949.4

Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold.

*Other donors in 2020 included: Andorra, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Liechtenstein, Poland, Slovakia, Spain, the Syrian Humanitarian Fund, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Central Emergency Response Fund (UNCERF), and the United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security (UNTFHS).

Overall, 15 donors contributed more in 2020 than they did in 2019, including a $27.4 million increase from the US (15%), while Germany and the EU increased their contributions by more than $10 million each. Ten donors increased their assistance by less than $1 million each.[31]

Three donors provided new funding in 2020: the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security (UNTFHS), and the Syrian Humanitarian Fund.

In contrast, 15 donors decreased their funding, with the UK representing the largest fall (down $39.4 million, a 55% decrease). The second largest decrease was seen for Australia (down $4.3 million, a 40% decrease) and was the result of a budget shortfall caused by the pandemic.[32]

Additionally, five donors from 2019 did not report any new contribution to mine action in 2020.

Summary of changes in 2020

Change

Donors

Combined Total (US$)

Increase of more than 20%

 

Czech Republic, Estonia, France, Germany, and Slovakia

 

$19.3 million increase

Increase of less than 20%

Austria, Belgium, EU, Ireland, Japan, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Sweden, Switzerland, and US

 

$45.8 million increase

Decrease of more than 20%

Australia, Denmark, Poland, Slovenia, South Korea, Spain, UK, and UNCERF

$50.3 million decrease

Decrease of less than 20%

Andorra, Canada, Finland, Italy, Netherlands, New Zealand, and Norway

$9.6 million decrease

New donors in 2020

Syrian Humanitarian Fund, UNICEF, and UNTFHS

$1.8 million provided in 2020

Donors from 2019 that did not report new funding in 2020

Russia, Turkey, Trust Fund for Peace and Security in Mali, UNA-Sweden, and UN Foundation

$3.1 million provided in 2019

Note: UNA-Sweden=United Nations Association-Sweden; UNCERF=United Nations Central Emergency Response Fund; UNICEF=United Nations Children’s Fund; and UNTFHS=United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security.

The following table summarizes the changes in mine action funding from the top 15 donors, expressed in their respective national currencies and in US$ terms, and shows the impact of exchange rates on the US dollar value of international contributions.

In national currency terms, mine action international support increased in five countries—France, Germany, Japan, Sweden, and the US—in addition to the EU. After conversion into US dollars, funding increases were slightly more pronounced and were recorded in the same countries.

Consequently, whereas a total of nine states reported decreases in their mine action assistance in national currency terms in 2020, when converted into US dollars these reductions were greater in percentage terms for four countries. For Denmark, Italy, and the Netherlands, the decreases were lower after conversion, while for the UK the exchange rate had zero impact. In the case of Switzerland, an increase was recorded after conversion into US dollars.

Changes in mine action funding in national currency terms and US$ terms[33]

Donors

In national currency terms

In US$ terms

Amount of decrease/increase

(in millions)

Percentage change from 2019

Amount of decrease/increase

(in millions)

Percentage change from 2019

UK

-£31.0

-55%

-39.4

-55%

Australia

-A$6.1

-39%

-4.3

-40%

Denmark

-DKK27.0

-23%

-3.8

-22%

Netherlands

-€2.2

-17%

-2.2

-15%

Italy

-€0.4

-9%

-0.3

-6%

New Zealand

-NZ$1.3

-9%

-1.0

-11%

Norway

-NOK26.0

-7%

-5.6

-13%

Canada

-C$0.3

-3%

-0.4

-4%

Switzerland

-CHF0.3

-2%

+0.6

+4%

Sweden

+SEK0.7

+1%

+0.3

+4%

Japan

+¥238.5

+6%

+3.0

+8%

US

+US$27.4

+15%

+27.4

+15%

EU

+€10.8

+16%

+13.8

+18%

Germany

+€13.1

+38%

+15.7

+41%

France

+€2.7

+56%

+3.2

+60%

 

Funding paths

Donors contributed to mine action through several trust fund mechanisms, notably the United Nations Voluntary Trust Fund for Assistance in Mine Action (VTF), administered by UNMAS and ITF Enhancing Human Security (established by the government of Slovenia and formerly known as the International Trust Fund).

In 2020, contributions through UNMAS totaled at least $58.2 million from 23 donors. Several small donors—with a total financial assistance under $1 million each—used the VTF to contribute to mine action: Andorra, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Liechtenstein, Poland, Slovakia, and Spain. At least four donors allocated a combined total of $3 million in 2020 through ITF Enhancing Human Security for mine action programs.[34]

While donor funding is frequently used for national activities, implementation is often carried out by an array of partnering institutions, non-government organizations (NGOs), trust funds, and UN agencies. Overall, non-profit organizations received at least $210.1 million or more than a third of all funding (37%) in 2020. Organizations that received a significant proportion of contributions in 2020 included the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and national Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies ($45.7 million), the HALO Trust ($42.5 million), Mines Advisory Group (MAG) ($35.9 million), Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) ($24.3 million), Humanity & Inclusion (HI) ($17.7 million), and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining (GICHD) ($13.8 million).

Recipients

A total of 40 states and four other areas received $520.5 million from 31 donors in 2020. A further $44.7 million, designated as “global” in the table below, was provided to institutions, NGOs, trust funds, and UN agencies without a designated recipient state or area. Two donors—Andorra and Liechtenstein—only reported contributions to “global” activities.

As in previous years, a small number of countries received the majority of funding.[35] The top five recipient states—Iraq, Lao PDR, Afghanistan, Colombia, and Croatia—received $252.8 million, or 45% of the total.

Since 2015, Iraq has been the largest recipient of mine action assistance. In 2020, the country received 18% of all international support from the largest number of donors (18). Thirteen states and three other areas, or 36% of all recipients, had only one donor.[36]

List of international support recipients in 2020

Recipients

Amount

(US$ million)

Recipients

Amount

(US$ million)

Iraq

104.5

Sudan

2.3

Lao PDR*

46.8

Tajikistan

2.3

Afghanistan

42.7

Nepal

1.6

Colombia

31.4

Albania

1.0

Croatia

27.4

Serbia

1.0

Syria

26.1

Palau

0.9

Cambodia

23.9

Georgia

0.8

Vietnam

22.1

Somaliland

0.8

Turkey

21.2

Cent. African Rep.

0.7

Yemen

19.8

Chad

0.7

Sri Lanka

16.3

Mali

0.7

Somalia

16.1

Thailand

0.6

Angola

15.2

Jordan

0.5

Lebanon*

14.6

Pakistan

0.5

Ukraine

14.6

Burkina Faso

0.4

Libya

14.5

Cameroon

0.3

Zimbabwe

10.1

Montenegro

0.2

Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH)

9.6

Armenia

< 0.1

South Sudan

8.6

Nagorno-Karabakh

< 0.1

Kosovo

5.4

Western Sahara

< 0.1

Palestine

4.2

Sub-total

520.5

Myanmar

4.1

Global

44.7

Dem. Rep. Congo

3.4

Total

565.2

Nigeria

2.6

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold; other areas are indicated in italics.

In 2020, 21 states and areas experienced a change of more than 20% in funding compared to 2019, including 11 recipients that received less support and 10 recipients that received more support. In addition, two previous recipients received no new support: Benin and Mauritania. These fluctuations may reflect shifts in donor priorities and changes in local situations.

Turkey and Somalia were the recipients with the largest increases, receiving respectively $21 million and $5.6 million more funding than in 2019. These were the results of changes in donors’ contributions. The EU disbursed a $21.2 million multi-year contribution for mine clearance activities carried out by the Turkish Mine Action Center (TURMAC) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) along the Turkish borders with Armenia and Iran.[37] In the case of Somalia, the increase in support was primarily due to higher contributions from Japan (from $0.2 million in 2019 to $5 million in 2020) and Norway (from $2.4 million in 2019 to $3.4 million in 2020), in addition to new support from the EU ($1 million provided in 2020).[38]

It is the third consecutive year that mine action funding channeled to Syria decreased. In 2020, support to mine action activities in Syria fell more sharply (by $16.4 million, a decrease of 39%) than in 2019 (by $24.2 million, a fall of 36%). The reduction in contributions observed since 2018 is the result of sharp decreases in funding from Germany and the US, following their exceptional contributions in 2017 which saw a combined increase of more than $67 million in support. The US has not reported providing new mine action funding to Syria since then, while funding from Germany fell from $13.9 million in 2017 to $2.6 million in 2020. Afghanistan was the recipient with the second largest decrease in 2020, receiving $16.3 million less than in 2019 (28% decrease). Both countries remained among the 10 largest recipients of mine action funding in 2020.

Summary of changes in 2020

Change

Recipients

Combined Total (US$)

Increase of more than 20%

 

Angola, BiH, Central African Republic, Kosovo, Nigeria, Palestine, Somalia, Turkey, Yemen, and Zimbabwe

$49.6 million increase

Increase of less than 20%

Georgia, Iraq, Lao PDR, Palau, Somaliland, Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, Thailand, Vietnam, and “global activities”

$23.7 million increase

Decrease of more than 20%

Afghanistan, DRC, Lebanon, Libya, Mali, Montenegro, Myanmar, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, and Western Sahara

$63.5 million decrease

Decrease of less than 20%

Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Chad, Colombia, Croatia, Jordan, and South Sudan

$8 million decrease

Recipients from 2019 that did not receive new support in 2020

Benin and Mauritania

$0.4 million received in 2019

New recipients in 2020

Armenia, Cameroon, Nagorno-Karabakh, Nepal, and Pakistan

$2.5 million received in 2020

 

Funding by thematic sector

In 2020, 68% of mine action funding supported clearance and risk education activities, while support to victim assistance represented 6%, and advocacy and capacity-building represented 5%. “Various” funding represented 21% of all international mine action support. This includes contributions not disaggregated by donors, as well as funding not earmarked for any sectors.

Contributions by thematic sector in 2020[39]  

Sector

Total contribution

(US$ million)

Percentage of total contribution

No. of donors

Clearance and risk education

387.1

68%

28

Various

119.1

21%

27

Victim assistance

33.3

6%

12

Capacity-building

19.6

4%

15

Advocacy

6.1

1%

14

Total

565.2

100%

N/A

Note: N/A=not applicable.

Clearance and risk education

In 2020, $387.1 million, or more than three-fifths (68%) of all reported support for mine action, went toward clearance and risk education activities. This represents an increase of $74.8 million from 2019 (24%).

Five donors—the US, the EU, the UK, Norway, and Germany—provided the majority (82%) of all support to clearance and risk education ($315.6 million).

Many donors reported clearance and risk education as a combined figure. Nineteen donors did, however, indicate contributions specifically for clearance activities, providing a total of $145.6 million in 28 affected countries and three other areas.[40]

More than two-fifths of international support (47%, or $263.6 million) went to nine States Parties with massive landmine contamination.[41] Most of this funding, $179.9 million, went to clearance and risk education projects. As illustrated in the following graph, States Parties with smaller contamination have tended to receive less financial support to implement their clearance obligations. Some mine-affected States Parties have not received external support for years: Ecuador (since 2012), Eritrea (since 2011), Ethiopia (since 2013), Niger (since 2012), Peru (since 2018), and Senegal (since 2018).

Clearance and risk education dedicated support by extent of mine contamination in States Parties: 2019–2020[42]

Cl -RE Support Per Contamination

Thirteen donors reported contributions totaling $9.3 million specifically for risk education projects in 15 countries.[43] Myanmar and Syria received the most risk education-specific funding with a combined total of $4.5 million, about half of all risk education dedicated support.

Recipients of risk education dedicated support: 2020[44]

Recipients

Amount

(US$ million)

Recipients

Amount

(US$ million)

Syria

2.8

Nigeria

0.4

Myanmar

1.7

Libya

0.2

Colombia

0.7

Somalia

0.2

Palestine

0.7

Jordan

0.1

Yemen

0.7

Chad

0.1

Ukraine

0.6

Lao PDR*

< 0.1

Afghanistan

0.6

Cambodia

< 0.1

Iraq

0.5

Total

9.3

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold.

*Lao PDR is a State Party to the Convention on Cluster Munitions.

Between 2016 and 2020, approximately two-thirds of international support went to clearance and risk education activities (62%, or $1.8 billion). Risk education-specific funding represented just 3% of all dedicated support, totaling $46.4 million. In comparison, a total of $30.6 million was recorded as risk education funding during the previous five-year period from 2011–2015. This 52% increase reflects better disaggregation of funding data and demonstrates renewed focus on this life-saving pillar of mine action since 2019.

Clearance and risk education dedicated international support: 2016–2020

CL-RE Support _2016-2020
Victim assistance

Based on data available as of October 2021, direct international support for victim assistance activities in 2020 totaled $33.3 million, a 23% decline from the 2019 level ($43.1 million).

Twelve donors[45] reported contributing to victim assistance projects in 10 States Parties and six states not party.[46]

Victim assistance dedicated international support: 2016–2020

 VA Support _2016-2020

In 2020, most mine-affected countries did not receive any direct international support for victim assistance. As observed in 2018 and 2019, a large proportion of the contributions from donors to victim assistance activities in 2020 were the result of support within the context of emergency operations in conflict-affected countries in the Middle East and Afghanistan. In 2020, more than half of all victim assistance support (60%) went to just four countries—Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen—receiving a combined total of $20 million.

Approximately $5.9 million, representing 18% of all victim assistance funding, was provided to global activities (without a designated recipient state or area).

The remaining 22% ($7.4 million) went to victim assistance activities in 12 other countries, including seven affected States Parties.

As in previous years, a large number of States Parties in which there are significant numbers of victims received no, or very little, victim assistance support; whereas needs remained great and available resources were lacking.[47] In 2020, 23 States Parties with significant numbers of survivors did not receive any direct victim assistance funding,[48] while four States Parties with landmine survivors each received less than $500,000—BiH, Jordan, Palestine, and Ukraine.

Funding for victim assistance remains especially difficult to track, as many donors report that they support victims via more general programs for development and the rights of persons with disabilities, and are not able to detail specific victim assistance funding. However, this annual estimate still provides an informative picture of the global victim assistance funding situation.

Advocacy and capacity-building

In 2020, just 1% of all reported support for mine action went toward advocacy activities ($6.1 million).[49] Of the 33 donors reporting international contributions to mine action, 14 reported supporting advocacy activities.[50]

Fifteen donors collectively provided $19.6 million—representing 4% of all international support—for capacity-building activities in 14 countries and one other area.[51] This is more than double than the level of funding for capacity-building in 2019, when donors allocated $7.4 million to capacity-building. It is the highest annual total support allocated to this sector ever recorded by the Monitor. This finding could reflect a growing interest from donors in strenghtening local capacities to create conditions for effective and sustainable mine action efforts.[52]

Advocacy and capacity-building dedicated international support: 2016–2020

Ad -CB Support _2016-2020

National Contributions in 2020

Overall national contributions to mine action continue to be under-reported. Few States Parties report national funding in their annual Article 7 reports.

In 2020, the Monitor identified that at least 14 affected states provided a combined total of $78.3 million in contributions to mine action from their national budgets.[53] This is four more states than in 2019, but represents a decrease of more than $11 million from the $89.4 million reported for that year. 

National support: 2020 

States

Contribution (US$ million)

Croatia

32.4

Turkey

9.3

BiH

9.1

Lebanon*

9.0

Thailand

7.5

Angola

6.1

Sudan

2.0

Colombia

1.0

Peru

0.7

Tajikistan

0.5

Cambodia

0.3

Serbia

0.3

Niger

0.1

Lao PDR*

0.03

Total

78.3

Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold. 

*Lao PDR and Lebanon are States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions. 

Chile has been one of the few affected states that completely funds its own mine action program; and has not received international support since 2007. Chile completed clearance of its mined areas in 2020, and provided more than $75 million in total toward completion of its Mine Ban Treaty Article 5 obligations.[54] Chile still has clearance obligations under the Convention on Cluster Munitions, and estimated that $10.5 million would be needed to complete clearance of all areas contaminated with cluster munition remnants.[55] In 2020–2021, the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted Chile’s ability to allocate financial resources to mine action. However, as of August 2021, the country remained committed to cover the full cost of technical survey activities—estimated at some $30,700—which would be provided from the state budget.[56]

In 2020, due to conflict and the COVID-19 pandemic, Yemen was not in a position to maintain its annual commitment of $3 million to its mine action program. Limited national support was provided to staff of the Yemen Executive Mine Action Centre (YEMAC) and for healthcare, but the amount was not reported.[57] Yemen also reported that while the majority of international support is directed toward the implementation of activities, there was still a need to support coordination mechanisms.[58]

A dozen affected states have indicated contributing to their national mine action programs, but details on their level of contribution in 2020 were either unavailable or only partially available: Chad, Chile, the DRC, Ecuador, Iraq, Mauritania, Senegal, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Ukraine, Yemen, and Zimbabwe. In about half of these states, national contributions were limited to covering the running costs of their respective mine action authorities.[59]

Oslo Action Plan and Support for Mine Action

At the Oslo Review Conference in November 2019, States Parties committed to complete their respective time-bound obligations by 2025 and to ensure sustainable and integrated support for victims. The Oslo Action Plan contains six action points, along with a series of specific indicators, aimed at tracking progress toward enhancing international cooperation and assistance. These indicators include, among others: the level of national funding; the provision of assistance by States Parties; regular reporting on challenges and needs for assistance; the existence of coordinating mechanisms; and the facilitation of dialogue and information exchange among affected states, the donor community, and relevant stakeholders. A number of these points have been tracked by the Monitor in the past.

As regards the provision of assistance by and to States Parties, in the last decade, a total of 32 States Parties reported contributing some $1.9 billion in mine action support to 58 affected States Parties. In 2020 alone, 23 States Parties provided $176.6 million in mine action support to 25 States Parties.[60] This is a significant decrease (15%) from the level of funding provided by and to States Parties in 2019 ($207.7 million), and the first time since 2017 that such funding has fallen below $200 million. While this must not be interpreted as a disengagement from the shared commitment and collaborative partnership within the Mine Ban Treaty community, it is an important reminder of the need to secure adequate resources for the effective and timely implementation of the treaty’s obligations.

Cumulative numbers remain just one aspect of the story, and the distribution of support among affected states and territories, as well as the sustainability of the assistance, are also key factors.

A decade of support from and to States Parties of the Mine Ban Treaty

Support From And To SP_2010-2020

Tracking national financial commitments by affected States Parties has proven more difficult as a result of under-reporting. Since 2010, the Monitor has recorded a total of $1.5 billion provided by affected states to their own mine action efforts.[61]

In 2020, 12 out of the 33 States Parties that have declared an identified threat of antipersonnel landmine contamination (36%) reported on their financial contributions.[62] National support has remained below $100 million annually for five consecutive years. Affected states do not all provide the same level of information regarding national resources allocated to mine action activities, and some have never done so.

Five-Year Support to Mine Action 2016–2020

Over the past five years (2016–2020), total support to mine action amounted to $3.4 billion, an average of more than $670 million per year. This is $180.6 million more than the total support provided in the previous five-year period from 2011–2015, constituting a 6% increase.[63]

Although data on national support for mine action remains incomplete, such support accounted for around 12% of total mine action funding from 2016–2020, and amounted to approximately $408 million. International support totaled $3 billion, an average of just under $590 million per year, and represented 88% of all support.

Three donors—the US ($1.1 billion), the EU ($418 million), and Germany ($257 million)—contributed $1.7 billion, or 56% of total international support. Three other donors—the UK, Japan, and Norway—contributed more than $185 million each; while Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Switzerland ranked among the top 10 mine action donors for the five-year period.

Support from States Parties accounted for half (49%) of all international funding provided in 2016–2020, with a combined contribution of $1.4 billion.[64] In percentage terms, this is similar to States Parties support in 2011–2015, when $1 billion was provided, representing 44% of all international funding during the period. This shows that historically, States Parties have been a stable and consistent contributor to mine action, despite variations in budget allocations and changes in situations or contexts observed in the past decade. The major challenge to improve efficiency in international support remains greater coordination among donors for a better geographical distribution of financial resources, in order to address both legacy and new contamination, as well as all sectors of mine action, from clearance to risk education and victim assistance.

Summary of contributions: 2016–2020

Global Support _2016-2020

The overall increase in total support provided in 2016–2020 compared to the previous five-year period was mostly driven by the unusually large 2017 contributions from Germany and the US to support clearance efforts in Iraq and Syria, which represented a combined total increase of $204 million. There was also an apparent impact from the series of pledging conferences held in 2016 to secure funding for mine action in some heavily affected countries, as well as one-off extraordinary pledges announced around that time.[65] This contributed to significant increases in support for activities in Colombia (up $128 million), Iraq (up $412.3 million), and Lao PDR (up $36 million), as shown in the table below.

This increase was partially offset by a 55% reduction in national support, which fell from a combined total of $904.8 million reported in 2011–2015 to $407.9 million in 2016–2020.

Summary of changes: top 10 recipients of mine action support

Recipient

2016–2020 contributions

(US$ million)

2011–2015 contributions

(US$ million)

Percentage change from the previous five-year period

Iraq

601.8

189.5

+218%

Afghanistan

273.0

353.7

-23%

Syria

246.9

17.4

+1,319%

Lao PDR*

208.4

172.4

+21%

Colombia

196.2

68.2

+188%

Croatia

168.7

54.4

+210%

Cambodia

109.9

143.7

-24%

Libya

100.0

72.8

+37%

Vietnam

82.6

40.4

+104%

Lebanon*

74.5

66.6

+12%

Total

2,062.0

1,179.1

+75%

Note: States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty are indicated in bold.

*Lao PDR and Lebanon are States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions.

In 2016–2020, the 10 largest recipients of mine action support received the majority of available funding, totaling more than $2 billion; this represents, on average, more than two-thirds (70%) of total international contributions. Of these 10 recipients, four came from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, four from the Asia-Pacific, one from the Americas, and one from Europe. No country from the Sub-Saharan Africa region was among the largest 10 recipients.[66]

During the five-year period, the composition of this group of recipients remained relatively similar from one year to another, while there were some variations in the contributions received by each of them from one year to the next.[67] This illustrates changes in circumstances globally and/or nationally, as well as shifting in funding approaches, priorities, and focus.



[1] All dollar values presented in this chapter are expressed in current US dollars. Mine action support includes funding specifically related to landmines, cluster munitions, explosive remnants of war (ERW), and improvised explosive devices (IEDs), but is rarely disaggregated as such. State reporting on contributions is varied in the level of detail and some utilize a fiscal year rather than the calendar year. In 2020, 16 of the 26 States Parties documented in this chapter reported disaggregated information on international funding for mine action in their Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 transparency reports. See, Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 Database, bit.ly/Article7DatabaseMBT.

[2] Three States Parties reported providing in-kind assistance in 2020: Denmark provided counter-IED equipment for operations in the Sahel region, Lithuania for a victim assistance project in Ukraine, and Switzerland to support mine action operations as part of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping efforts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Mali, South Sudan, and Western Sahara (in-kind support valued at CHF2.9 million/$3.1 million). Response to Monitor questionnaire by Kristine Dyregaard Nielsen, Head of Section, Denmark Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Defence, 15 October 2021; Lithuania Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 Report (for calendar year 2020), Form J; and Switzerland Convention on Cluster Munitions Article 7 Report, Form I. Average exchange rate for 2020: CHF0.9389=US$1. US Federal Reserve, “List of Exchange Rates (Annual),” 4 January 2021, www.federalreserve.gov/releases/G5a/current/default.htm.

[3] Data on international support to mine action is based on reviews of Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 reports, Convention on Cluster Munitions Article 7 reports, the ITF Enhancing Human Security and United Nations Mine Action Service (UNMAS) annual reports, media reporting, and answers from donors to Monitor questionnaires. See the relevant Monitor country profiles for further information, www.the-monitor.org/cp.

[4] The 15 largest donors in 2020 were: the US, the EU, Germany, Japan, Norway, the UK, Switzerland, Denmark, the Netherlands, Swden, France, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and Italy. In 2018–2019, the same states contributed combined totals of $617 million in 2018 and $538.8 million in 2019.

[5] Mine Action Support Group (MASG) meeting, held virtually, Minutes, 28 May 2021, bit.ly/MASGMtgMay2021.

[6] Australia Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 Report (for calendar year 2020), Form J.

[7] Response to Monitor questionnaire by Kristine Dyregaard Nielsen, Head of Section, Denmark Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Defence, 15 October 2021.

[8] Average exchange rate for May 2021: €1=US$1.2146. US Federal Reserve, “List of Exchange Rates (Monthly),” 1 June 2021, www.federalreserve.gov/releases/g5/20210601.

[9] Statement of Finland, Sixth International Pledging Conference for the Implementation of the Mine Ban Treaty, Geneva, 23 February 2021, bit.ly/FinlandStatement2021; and MASG meeting, held virtually, Minutes, 28 May 2021, bit.ly/MASGMtgMay2021.

[10] Email from Anni Mäkeläinen, Desk Officer, Unit for Arms Control, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland, 13 July 2020.

[11] Response to Monitor questionnaire by Sandrina Köbinger, Desk Officer, Conventional Arms Division, Germany Federal Foreign Office (GFFO), 27 May 2021.

[12] MASG meeting, held virtually, Minutes, 15 October 2020, bit.ly/MASGMtgOct2020.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid. The five countries were: Afghanistan, Colombia, Somalia, South Sudan, and Zimbabwe.

[15] Response to Monitor questionnaire by Ishida Tatsuya, Officer, Conventional Arms Division/Arms Control and Disarmament Division, Japan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 31 May 2021.

[16] Ibid.

[17] MASG meeting, held virtually, Minutes, 28 May 2021, bit.ly/MASGMtgMay2021; and response to Monitor questionnaire by Lucas Daalhuisen, Policy Officer, Stabilisation and Humanitarian Aid Department, Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2 June 2021.

[18] Email from Erik Pettersson, Senior Programme Manager, Peace and Human Security Unit, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), 28 September 2021.

[19] Swiss Confederation, “Mine Action Strategy of the Swiss Confederation 2016–22: 2020 Annual Report,” 2021, bit.ly/SwissMineAction2020Report.

[20] Email from Frank Meeussen, Disarmament, Non-Proliferation and Arms Export Control, European External Action Service (EEAS), 11 June 2020; and BiH Mine Action Centre (BHMAC); “Ten million EUR intended for humanitarian demining projects in BiH diverted to COVID 19 and migration issues,” 10 April 2020, www.bhmac.org/?p=6343.

[21] Wolfgang Bindseil and Ian Mansfield, “Mine Action in the Time of COVID-19: A Donor’s Perspective,” The Journal of Conventional Weapons Destruction, Vol. 24, Issue 2, December 2020, bit.ly/BindseilMansfieldDec2020.

[22] “Foreign aid: Who will be hit by the UK government cuts?,” BBC News, 13 July 2021, bit.ly/BBC13Jul2021.

[23] William Worley, “Tracking the UK’s controversial aid cuts,” Devex, undated, bit.ly/WorleyDevex.

[24] MASG meeting, held virtually, Minutes, 28 May 2021, bit.ly/MASGMtgMay2021. Average exchange rate for May 2021: £1=US$1.4084. US Federal Reserve, “List of Exchange Rates (Monthly),” 1 June 2021, www.federalreserve.gov/releases/g5/20210601.

[25] Larisa Brown, “Foreign Office cuts cash for mine clearing by 75%,” The Times, 7 October 2021, bit.ly/TheTimes7Oct2021; and Andrew Mitchell, “Cutting aid for landmine clearance is crazy,” The Telegraph, 10 October 2021, bit.ly/TheTelegraph10Oct2021. Average exchange rate for September 2021: £1=US$1.3732. US Federal Reserve, “List of Exchange Rates (Monthly),” 1 October 2021, www.federalreserve.gov/releases/g5/current.

[26] “UK funding for land mine clearance scrapped in Lebanon, Iraq and S. Sudan,” The New Arab, 9 October 2021, bit.ly/TheNewArab9Oct2021.

[27] Email from Kirsten Lentz, Senior Technical Advisor, Rehabilitation, Technical Support Contract, USAID, Empowerment & Inclusion Division, 16 June 2020.

[28] US Department of State, Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, Office of Weapons Removal and Abatement (PM/WRA), “To Walk the Earth in Safety (2021),” 5 April 2021, bit.ly/ToWalkTheEarth2021.

[29] Wolfgang Bindseil and Ian Mansfield, “Mine Action in the Time of COVID-19: A Donor’s Perspective,” The Journal of Conventional Weapons Destruction, Vol. 24, Issue 2, December 2020, bit.ly/BindseilMansfieldDec2020.

[30] The amount for each donor has been rounded to the nearest hundred thousand. This information is drawn from Support for Mine Action country profiles, which in turn use information provided by states in their Article 7 transparency reports as well as responses to Monitor questionnaires and other sources. In 2020, the total contributions of Denmark and the UK might have been slightly higher. Denmark support to Danish Refugee Council (DRC) operations in Afghanistan, Myanmar, Somalia, and South Sudan was part of a multisectoral humanitarian and resilience assistance programme, for which the specific amount going toward demining was not available, and as such could not be included in the Monitor support database. In the case of the UK, some contributions reported in its 2021 transparency report (for calendar year 2020)—to Afghanistan, Georgia, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, and Yemen—were also included in its previous transparency report, which provided the total amounts for the financial year (April 2019 to March 2020) and were included in the Monitor support database for 2019. To avoid double reporting, those contributions were not included in the UK 2020 total by the Monitor.

[31] Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Estonia, Ireland, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Slovakia, Sweden, and Switzerland.

[32] MASG meeting, held virtually, Minutes, 28 May 2021, bit.ly/MASGMtgMay2021.

[33] Average exchange rates for 2020: A$1=US$0.6899; C$1.3422=US$1; DKK6.543=US$1; €1=US$1.141; ¥106.7754=US$1; NZ$1=US$0.6498; NOK9.4283=US$1; SEK9.2167=US$1; CHF0.9389=US$1; and £1=US$1.2829. US Federal Reserve, “List of Exchange Rates (Annual),” 4 January 2021, www.federalreserve.gov/releases/G5a/current/default.htm.

[34] The four donors were: the Czech Republic, Slovenia, South Korea, and the US.

[35] Of the 10 countries that received the most mine action funding in 2020, seven were in the top 10 in 2019.

[36] Recipients with one donor included: Albania, Armenia, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Croatia, Montenegro, Nepal, Pakistan, Palau, Serbia, Thailand, Turkey, and other areas Nagorno-Karabakh, Somaliland, and Western Sahara.

[37] Email from Carole Ory, Senior Expert, Disarmament, Non-Proliferation and Arms Export Control, EEAS, 29 June 2021.

[38] Ibid.; email from Camilla Dannevig, Senior Adviser, Section for Humanitarian Affairs, Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 23 September 2021; and response to Monitor questionnaire by Ishida Tatsuya, Officer, Conventional Arms Division/Arms Control and Disarmament Division, Japan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 31 May 2021.

[39] In 2019, international support was distributed among the following sectors: clearance and risk education ($312.3 million, or 56% of total international support), victim assistance ($43.1 million, or 8%), capacity-building ($7.4 million, or 1%), advocacy ($6.5 million, or 1%), stockpile destruction ($0.002 million, or <1%), and various activities ($192 million, or 34%). It was the first time since 2015 that a donor reported new dedicated stockpile destruction funding.

[40] States Parties recipients of international assistance for clearance were: Afghanistan, Angola, BiH, Cambodia, Colombia, Croatia, DRC, Iraq, Montenegro, Palau, Palestine, Serbia, Somalia, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkey, Ukraine, Yemen, and Zimbabwe. States not party that received international assistance for clearance were: Georgia, Lao PDR, Lebanon, Libya, Myanmar, Syria, and Vietnam. Other areas that received international assistance for clearance activities were: Kosovo, Somaliland, and Western Sahara.

[41] Massive mine contamination is defined by the Monitor as more than 100km².

[42] Recipients of international support with massive contamination (more than 100km2) included: Afghanistan, BiH, Cambodia, Croatia, Iraq, Turkey, Ukraine, and Yemen. Recipients of international support with large contamination (between 20–99km2) included: Angola, Chad, Thailand, and Zimbabwe. Recipients with medium contamination (5–19km2) included: Colombia, Mauritania, Somalia, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Sudan, and Tajikistan. Recipients with small contamination (less than 5km2) included: DRC, Palestine, and Serbia.

[43] Donors of international assistance for risk education were: Australia, Canada, Germany, Japan, Luxembourg, Norway, Poland, Slovenia, South Korea, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, and UNICEF.

[44] This table includes recipients of specific risk education funding only. In addition to the recipients listed in the table, 16 states and other areas received support for risk education combined with other mine action activites, such as clearance or victim assistance (the specific amount going to each sector could not be disaggregated): Angola, BiH, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, DRC, Kosovo, Lebanon, Mali, Nagorno-Karabakh, Pakistan, Palestine, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Vietnam, and Zimbabwe.

[45] Victim assistance donors included: Austria, Belgium, EU, Germany, Italy, Japan, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Norway, Slovenia, and US.

[46] States Parties recipients of international funding for victim assistance were: Afghanistan, BiH, Colombia, Iraq, Jordan, Palestine, Somalia, South Sudan, Ukraine, and Yemen. States not party that received international funding for victim assistance were: Armenia, Georgia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Nepal, and Syria.

[47] See Impact chapter for the list of States Parties with significant numbers of victims and needs.

[48] Albania, Algeria, Angola, Burundi, Cambodia, Chad, Croatia, DRC, El Salvador, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Peru, Senegal, Serbia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkey, and Uganda.

[49] Advocacy activities generally include, but are not limited to: contributions to the Convention on Cluster Munitions and the Mine Ban Treaty implementation support units, the Gender and Mine Action Programme (GMAP), GICHD, Geneva Call, the ICBL-CMC and its Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor, and other operators and NGOs.

[50] Advocacy donors in 2020 included: Australia, Austria, Canada, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland.

[51] Recipients of international assistance for capacity-building activities were: Afghanistan, Albania, BiH, Cameroon, Chad, Colombia, Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, Ukraine, Western Sahara, and Yemen.

[52] Capacity-building is one of the three priorities of the Dutch presidency of the Nineteenth Meeting of States Parties. See, Statement of the Netherlands, Mine Ban Treaty Eighteenth Meeting of States Parties, held virtually, 16­–20 November 2020, bit.ly/NLStatementMSP2020.

[53] Data on national support to mine action is based on reviews of Mine Ban Treaty Article 5 deadline extension requests and Article 7 reports, Convention on Cluster Munitions Article 4 deadline extension requests and Article 7 reports, ITF Enhancing Human Security’s annual report, and media reporting. See the relevant Monitor country profiles for further information, www.the-monitor.org/cp.

[54] Statement of Chile, Mine Ban Treaty Eighteenth Meeting of States Parties, held virtually, 16­–20 November 2020, bit.ly/ChileStatementMSP2020.

[55] The total amount is subject to change, based on technical survey to be carried out in 2021–2022. Chile Convention on Cluster Munitions Second Article 4 deadline Extension Request, 23 June 2021, bit.ly/ChileCCMExtRequestJune2021.

[56] Chile, “Work plan to complete the technical surveys in the 4 military ranges which is suspected there may be cluster munition remannts [sic],” 26 August 2021, bit.ly/ChileWorkplanCCM2021.

[57] Yemen Mine Ban Treaty Article 7 Report (for calendar year 2020), Form H, p. 20.

[58] Ibid.

[59] Chad, DRC, Mauritania, South Sudan, Yemen, and Zimbabwe.

[60] This included $118.2 million to clearance and risk education activities (67% of the total) and $21.6 million to victim assistance (12%). The remaining 21% ($36.8 million) went to advocacy and capacity-building activities or was not disaggregated by sector.

[61] This figure includes support provided by affected States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty and/or to the Convention on Cluster Munitions.

[62] In addition, two states not party, Lao PDR and Lebanon, reported contributing to their own mine action programs in 2020.

[63] According to Monitor data, from 2011–2015, total support for mine action totaled $3.2 billion ($2.3 billion from international donors and $900 million provided by affected states to their own mine action activities).

[64] Thirty-one States Parties reported mine action contributions in 2016–2020: Andorra, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Monaco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, and UK.

[65] In 2016, mine action donors reiterated their commitment to secure sufficient resources for mine action efforts in the coming years, notably through two pledging conferences in support of: Iraq (held in Washington DC, July 2016) and Colombia (held in New York, September 2016). In 2016–2017, Canada, Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, the UK, and the US announced significant increases in their funding to support mine action efforts. See, Monitor factsheet, “Extraordinary Pledges to Support Mine Action in 2016,” 22 November 2016, bit.ly/2016PledgingConferences; and Landmine and Cluster Munition Blog, “Pledges of New Funding in Support of Humanitarian Mine Action,” 13 April 2017, bit.ly/MBT2017Pledgeblog.

[66] Two affected states from the Sub-Saharan Africa region were among the 15 largest recipients of mine action assistance in 2016–2020: Somalia ranked thirteenth ($57 million received) and South Sudan fifteenth ($43.1 million). Both of them were among the top 10 recipients in 2011–2015.

[67] In 2011–2015, the top 10 largest country recipients were: Afghanistan, Iraq, Lao PDR, Cambodia, South Sudan, Angola, Somalia, Libya, Colombia, and Lebanon.